The relationship between China and Taiwan in the 20th century can approximately be divided into four phases based on the different development of the two parts of China. The first part till 1949 is characterised by chaos in Mainland China, the occupation of Taiwan by the Japanese, and the recovery by Chinese nationalist forces after the end of World War II. The second phase 1949-1952 after the foundation of the People’s Republic of China and the retreat of the Nationalist Party to Taiwan is characterised by the renewed separation of Taiwan from the mainland. Between 1953 and 1978 there was a very different development in Mainland China and Taiwan. While Taiwan experienced an immense economical and political development, Mainland China suffered under the communist regime. Only after 1978, Mainland China saw political change, and from then started its enourmos economical rise.

The official attitude of the Communist Party toward the Taiwan issue is expressed in the so called “White Papers”. The most recent White Papers on the Taiwan issue are from the years 1993, 2000 and 2003. From these three papers some changes but also a consistency in the Party´s view on the Taiwan issue can be seen.

In the White Paper of 1993, the Communist Party first of all gives an explanation of why Taiwan is an ialienable part of China and what caused the present situation. The argumentation is mainly historic and states different dates. It starts with the first expeditions to Taiwan during Wu and Sui dynasty and continues till the official announcement of Taiwan as a province of Mainland China in 1885. The influence of Chinese people and culture on Taiwan are just stated as a minor point in the argumentation. The origin of the present conflict with Taiwan is discribed in a propagandistic way and the United States of America and the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) are seen as the only ones responsible for detachment.

But how is the Communist Party to deal with the situation? It is emphasized, that Mainland China is looking for a peaceful solution, and plays the active part in the reunification efforts. The principle of “one country, two systems” is introduced, which guarantees Taiwan to continue its’ capitalistic system and a certain degree of political indipendence. Despite all these words, it is pointed out that there is no possiblity for an independent Taiwan and military action is still an option. Most importantly, the White Paper deals with foreign affairs, e.g. China bars other countries from having diplomatic relations with or selling weapons to Taiwan.

The PRC emphasizes several times that the Taiwan issue should be an internal affair, so it stoutly rejects all efforts towards independence on the part of Taiwan as well as any foreign interference; otherwise this is seen as a threat to peaceful unification. In fact, the 2000 White Paper is directly addressed to those forces in Taiwan politics that raised the independence issue during the 1990s, particularly against Lee Teng-hui who had redefined inter-Straits relations as “state to state relations, or at least special state to state relations” in an interview in 1999. The Chinese government again invokes the long history of Chinese unity and reasserts its resolution to achieve reunification as soon as possible.

In this document, the Chinese government accuses the Taiwanese leaders to still constrict the full development of the “Three Direct Links” which concern mail, transport and trade. The Chinese government points out that:
“The Direct, Two-Way and Complete "Three Links" is an Objective Demand for People-to-People Contacts and Economic and Trade Exchanges across the Straits.” (White Paper 2003) The document states that it is far to complicated that still the passenger- and freight-transport (by plane or ship) has to be conducted over Macao, respectively Hong Kong. Fully developing the inter-Straits links would save a lot of time and money, especially for the people of the Mainland and Taiwan, who should be given the possibility of having a direct link to their relatives on the other side of the straits. Moreover, the development of the “Three Direct Links” will benefit economy and trade on both sides. The Chinese government again emphasizes that both, the Mainland and Taiwan belong to ONE China.
“We resolutely oppose anyone who attempts to describe "three direct links" as links "between nations" or as "quasi-international" links, or to "internationalize" them in disguised form.” (White Paper 2003) Therefore, the cross-Straits "three direct links" have to be regarded as an internal affair of Chinese people. For the People’s Republic of China, the development of the “Three Direct Links” has absolute priority because it will convey economy on both sides of the straits and was never meant to be a threat against Taiwan’s economy. A remarkable point is that the Chinese government claims Taiwan authorities to remove discriminatory restrictions and unreasonable obstacles directed against the mainland as soon as possible. Loyality towards the Taiwanese population is expressed by disclosing that “The Tree Direct Links” are not only the will of the Chinese people but also for the benefit of the Taiwanese.

With the White Papers, the government of the PRC publicly states its political position concerning the Taiwan issue, each time reacting to recent developments in the relationship between the Mainland and Taiwan. The first White Paper followed the foundation of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait in 1992 which started informal consultations with its Taiwan counterpart, the Taiwan’s Strait Exchange Foundation in 1993. The Paper was also directed at the U.S. who sold fighter aircraft to Taiwan in 1992. The second White Paper was a refutation of new voices from Taiwan demanding an independent state different from China and starting to strive for recognition by the United Nations, particularly to President Lee Teng-hui who published The Road to Democracy in 1999. Its publication came three years after the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait crisis when the U.S. government issued an entry visa to Lee Teng-hui, the PLA launched a series of missile tests in the East China Sea, and the U.S. sent two aircraft carriers. The third White Paper reacted to the Lunar New Year cross-strait charter of 2003, when on Taiwan initiative charter flights for the first time crossed the Taiwan-Strait to bring Taiwan businessmen home for the Spring Festival. The PRC government calls this a „one-way and partial approach“ and takes the initiative in promoting „direct, two-way and complete” links across the Straits (Brown 2004: 4; Zhao 2000; Liu 2000; Wang/Shen 2006). China’s basic position in all three documents remains the same:

1. The One-China Principle: Taiwan is an inalienable part of China and not a sovereign state.
2. Therefore, “the Taiwan question is purely an internal affair of China and bears no analogy to the cases of Germany and Korea which were brought about as a result of international accords at the end of the Second World War“ (White Paper 1993)
3. The PRC’s basic political aim is a peaceful reunification. However, “China is under no obligation to commit itself to rule out the use of force.“ (White Paper 2000). The tone of the 2000 Paper is sharper than the earlier one. In order to calm down fears, it is added that: „This is by no means directed against Taiwan compatriots, but against the scheme to create an ‘independent Taiwan’ and against the foreign forces interfering with the reunification of China, and is intended as a necessary safeguard for the striving for peaceful reunification.” (Ibid.)
4. The PRC guarantees Taiwan a status according to the “one country, two systems” formula. “After reunification, Taiwan will enjoy a high degree of autonomy, and the Central Government will not send troops or administrative personnel to be stationed in Taiwan” (White Paper 2000).